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On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his newest friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This fairly short paper drips with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically humble claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."

Even though the strategy largely formalizes the ongoing actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the world, and for Europe in particular.

A Blueprint of Interference and Cultural Fear

The document espouses an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric seems taken straight from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."

The entire section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-belief." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economic power and militaries powerful enough to be reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and history."

Foundational Theories of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry powerful overtones of two concepts seen as foundational for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace restive "native" populations and bring in a more docile and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of national spirit, and the growing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"

In other words, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an adversary either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond accordingly.